Who Benefits from Economic Nationalism?

Ditulis Oleh :
Aninda Dewayanti (Penerima Bakrie Graduate Fellowship Rajaratnam School of International Studies Nanyang Technological University 2017)

Indonesia’s presidential candidates have been stepping up their campaigns. Much like in 2014, each camp claims strong nationalist credentials when it comes to the economy. Back then Prabowo Subianto set the nationalist tone and Joko “Jokowi” Widodo was often viewed as the more liberal, technocratic type on economic questions.

What has changed this time around? When it comes to Prabowo, the answer is — not much. Prabowo is using exactly the same nationalist playbook as he did in 2014. He claims Indonesia’s current economic system is based on “the economics of stupidity” because of the privatization of lands by foreign investors and the country’s dependence on loans.

In his 2017 book, Paradoks Indonesia (Indonesian Paradox), he argued that despite being a resource-abundant country, Indonesia has experienced an “outflow of national natural resources” because of mismanagement, wrong economic direction and defective elites. He reassures his constituents he could make Indonesia “stand on its own feet” by relying on its national wealth to be self-sufficient (swasembada) and independent of foreign oppression.

He reiterates food imports would destroy the people and weaken the economy. Yet, his target audience for this narrative is hardly identified.
None of Prabowo’s anti-colonial, anti-imperialist and protectionist themes are new. He has consistently used these topes since the 2014 election by condemning foreign actors who were draining Indonesia’s wealth, a characteristic that Australian scholar Edward Aspinall called the “new nationalism”.

However his running mate, Sandiaga Uno, has given a more nuanced view. Sandiaga has been more pragmatic in talking about the economy, even expressing openness for foreign investors and the private sector in Indonesia’s economic growth, especially in the infrastructure and energy sectors.

Sandiaga’s pragmatism in the Prabowo camp is mainly for balancing his running mate’s narrative on the economy. Still, Sandiaga supports the big idea of self-sufficiency and domestic capacity for supplying commodities. He focuses more on domestic economic challenges, such as high commodity prices and a lack of job opportunities, which is aimed at women and the millennials. Yet, the fragmented narrative in Prabowo’s camp is a tricky situation because it makes its narrative inconsistent.
What about Jokowi? It seems that Jokowi was sensitive to claims back in 2014 that he was not nationalist enough and now both his presidency and his campaign have been marked by assertive nationalism.

During his first term in office, Jokowi laid the groundwork to ensure that by 2019 he had kicked plenty of nationalist goals. In December 2018, after three-and-a-half years of negotiations, the government finally declared it had acquired the majority (51 percent) stake in the PT Freeport Indonesia gold mine. Jokowi also directed the state-owned oil and gas company, Pertamina, to acquire the Mahakam gas block in Kalimantan and the Rokan oil block in Riau back on Jan. 1 and July 31 respectively.

Through his social media account, Jokowi expressed his gratitude and commitment “[…] to strive for the national sovereignty of the country’s natural resources through the state’s control of oil and gas”.

These achievements have become a useful tool for Jokowi. For example, when the opposition’s camp accused Jokowi of being pro-foreigner, he defended himself by citing his achievements in retrieving the assets of Indonesia’s natural resources. On Chinese migration, Jokowi claimed that China hosts more than 80,000 Indonesian migrant workers, while Indonesia hosts only 24,000 Chinese workers.

As Australian professor Greg Fealy says, Jokowi has also been establishing the reputation needed to prove his nationalist credentials through economic growth and rapid development.

Jokowi’s nationalism, while assertive, often has a defensive ring to it and looks like a political tool to insulate himself from Prabowo’s aggressive and divisive nationalist attacks, in case they affect his popularity.

However, how much do Indonesians actually care about nationalizing the countries resources? A survey by the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies in 2017 indicated that people consider the most important issues facing Indonesia today to be corruption, economic management and growth, infrastructure and transportation.

So whose nationalism are the candidates fighting for? Are their narratives on economic nationalism useful for overcoming these vital economic issues? Eventually, Indonesians need to be convinced by the candidates’ blueprints for the next five years, instead of by superficial debates on who is the most nationalist man in the room.



Credit : The Jakarta Post


So Much for Eradicating Corruption in Indonesia


Ditulis Oleh :
Aninda Dewayanti (Penerima Bakrie Graduate Fellowship Rajaratnam School of International Studies Nanyang Technological University 2017)

Over the past week, tens of thousands of university students and activists gathered in some of the biggest simultaneous rallies across the Indonesian archipelago in decades to voice grave concerns over recent moves by their government.

Among many demands, they have focused most on calling President Joko Widodo to revoke an amended law, which they say significantly clips the powers of Indonesia’s anti-graft agency, the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK).

The amended law was passed by the Indonesian parliament barely two weeks ago, just before its term comes to an end in end-September. Police inspector-general Firli Bahuri was also sworn in as KPK chief, despite concerns over unresolved allegations of ethical misconduct.


Many Indonesians are concerned about various controversial aspects of the huge amendments to the KPK law, the first since its establishment in 2002. First, the revised law formally ends KPK’s status as an independent body that can carry out investigations without interference from other arms of government.

Through the establishment of a committee to oversee the KPK, it provides for legislative and executive powers to be exercised in the investigation and prosecution of graft cases, allowing lawmakers and powerful leaders, often the target of KPK investigations, to kill off inquiries before they begin.

This committee will also have say over the KPK’s operational methods, including whether it can carry out wiretaps, yet the law does not specify criteria for the approval of a wiretapping request, nor impose a time limit to come to a decision concerning the request. Second, as a new arm of the government, the KPK will now draw people from the civil service, including the police.

Apart from questions over whether bringing in non-investigators into the KPK might dilute organisational performance, it might also give rise to conflict of interests if this leads to the KPK becoming less willing to investigate the public sector.

Third, the law requires that the KPK discontinue prosecution and investigation processes that have lapsed after two years. But the most serious, egregious corruption cases in Indonesia, such as the ongoing seven-year investigation on the electronic identity card (E-KTP) corruption, which saw former House Speaker Setya Novanto convicted with embezzlement, need more time.

Established in 2002 to facilitate clean governance, the KPK has achieved an astonishing 100 per cent conviction rate, and contributed immensely to improving Indonesia’s position in Transparency International’s Corruption Perception Index, from a position of 122 in 2003 to 89 in 2018.

The KPK’s performance has been outstanding, albeit the harsh political environment it works in and the push-back it has received from the police. It would be a pity if the KPK is now held back from its role of cracking down on corruption and preserving integrity in Indonesia.

Past attempts at revision of the KPK law had failed to win over public opinion in a country where the KPK is revered. So parliament’s passing of sweeping changes despite massive protests was shocking, especially considering how quickly it was finalised over three meetings, where the norm is for laws to be deliberated over many months.

Deputy Speaker of the House Fahri Hamzah has argued that the KPK has failed to build a foundation to solve corruption for the long term, despite having been allocated a big portion of government budget. Similarly, Presidential Chief of Staff Moeldoko claimed that the anti-graft agency has hampered investment. These despite the Investment Coordinating Board’s data showing that the KPK’s anti-corruption drive has been a positive force in attracting foreign investments.

According to the Indonesia Corruption Watch, there have been over 250 members and former members of parliament named suspects in graft cases in over the past five years, with Golkar, a party in Jokowi’s coalition, involved in a signficant number.

The worry is that this move might be a sign of Jokowi’s weakening commitment to eradicate corruption, despite his promise to strengthen the KPK in January 2019. The silver lining is that he is now considering dropping the law, and could annul the amendment by issuing a regulation-in-lieu-of-law.


The public is now split between those that consider the protests necessary to check the government on the one hand, and Jokowi’s supporters on the other, who see them as efforts to forestall the president’s inauguration in October.

There is no denying what started as a peaceful rally has turned violent as clashes with the police have seen the use of tear gas, water cannons and the arrest of almost 100 protesters. A 21-year-old student died after being rushed to hospital suffering from a chest wound as riots erupted on Sulawesi island.

Chief security minister Wiranto has warned of protests being “hijacked” by those seeking to disrupt parliament and Jokowi’s inauguration.

But in Indonesia’s political history, students have been the voice of the nation’s conscience, seeking and defending democratic values at times when these were under attack. In 1998, student protests succeeded in building a crucial momentum that led to Suharto stepping down, thereby ending the New Order regime’s three decades.

Meanwhile polarisation has been emblematic of Indonesia’s post-reform politics. Last May’s divisive presidential election saw voters aligning themselves with either Prabowo, backed by extreme Islamist forces, or Jokowi, who many considered to be more pluralist despite his choice of a conservative Muslim cleric as running-mate.

In 2017, mass mobilisation by hardline groups had prevented the re-election of the Chinese-Christian former Jakarta Ahok and led to his eventual jailing for blasphemy.


Beyond this politically and emotionally charged binarism, however, there have been concerns that the government has demonstrated a track record of “fighting illiberalism with illiberalism”. President Jokowi issued a mass organisation law in 2017 banning organisations deemed not in line with the state ideology, Pancasila.

For many, this is reminiscent of the punitive tactics of the New Order when Pancasila was used as tool to clamp down on differing viewpoints from civil society in the name of preserving social cohesion.

Observers also lament the Electronic Information and Transaction Law, passed in 2016, which gives the government extensive powers to block content and order internet service providers to do so.

In addition to the KPK law, student protesters have also highlighted the revision of the Criminal Code which potentially curbs the freedoms of women, children, religious minorities and LGBT communities, among others.

While protesters must remain vigilant, preserve the integrity of their movement and not allow contentious political interests to hold sway, the Indonesian government no doubt now faces the difficult task of ensuring that it keeps its commitment to democratic reform.

The polarisation between the government’s detractors and supporters should not be used to legitimise sanctioning laws that potentially hamper good governance and democratic ideals.

And of all the laws in the works, the recent move to pass the KPK law poses the gravest challenge to Indonesia’s fight against corruption and should be reconsidered.

Credit : Channel News Asia


Menuju STBM Berkesetaraan Gender dan Inklusif

Ditulis oleh :
Fauzia Firdanisa (Penerima Bakrie Graduate Fellowship Rajaratnam School for International Studies Nanyang Technological University 2017)

Pembangunan Sanitasi Total Berbasis Masyarakat diharapkan sungguh menyasar seluruh kelompok masyarakat tanpa ada satupun yang tertinggal (No One Left Behind). Namun dalam kenyataannya, masih butuh perjuangan panjang untuk membangun komitmen dari seluruh pihak untuk mengawal harapan tersebut.

Dalam lokakarya nasional yang bertajuk Sanitasi Total Berbasis Masyarakat yang Berkesetaraan Gender dan Inklusif (STBM-GESI) yang digelar Kementerian Kesehatan dan Yayasan Plan Internasional Indonesia (YPII) pada 13 November 2018, terungkap berbagai potret pelaksanaan STBM di tingkat akar rumput, sekaligus harapan untuk perbaikan implementasi STBM yang merangkul semua kalangan, terutama yang termarginalkan.

Lima narasumber hadir menyampaikan permasalahan gender dan inklusi social yang dihadapi dalam pelaksanaan STBM di wilayah Nusa Tenggara Barat dan Nusa Tenggara Timur.  Pimpinan Organisasi Forsani asal NTT, Fina yang juga penyandang disabilitas berkisah tentang sulitnya orang berkursi roda mengakses jamban/ toilet. Memang sudah banyak jamban dibangun, namun sulit diakses kaum penyandang disabilitas.

“Disini perlunya kami dilibatkan sejak awal agar kebutuhan kami dapat diakomodir karena kami yang benar-benar tahu kebutuhan tersebut,” ungkapnya.

Narasumber lainnya, Agnes Jeni, champion perempuan STBM dari Kabupaten Kupang menekankan pentingnya peran serta dan pelibatan perempuan dalam pengambilan keputusan di bidang STBM.  Perempuan dan anak sering kali ditugasi mengambil air untuk keperluan domestik.

“Pengambilan keputusan masih menjadi urusan bapak-bapak. Ketika mau mengambil keputusan, para ibu disuruh ke dapur untuk mengurusi makan bapak-bapak dalam rapat, padahal kami lebih tahu dimana sumber air dan kondisi sanitasi di desa kami,” kisah mama Jeni.

Satu narasumber lain asal Nusa Tenggara Barat, Rudi Purnomo, seorang wirausahawan sanitasi dan penerima AMPL Award 2017 menekankan perlunya social entrepreneurship yang tidak mementingkan keuntungan dalam penyediaan sarana sanitasi. Sebagai pengusaha sanitasi (wusan) yang telah membuat lebih dari 4000 jamban, Pak Pur lebih mendahulukan hati dan komitmen untuk berpihak pada kaum marginal termasuk penyandang disabilitas.

“Kemampuan ilmu konstruksi saya terbatas, tetapi saya selalu mencari cara untuk dapat membantu kaum disabilitas dan lansia mengakses jamban. Ini saya lakukan saat membangun jamban di rumah panggung seorang lansia yang tidak bisa bergerak banyak,” ungkap Purnomo yang mengakui merasa dikuatkan oleh airmata dan ungkapan terimakasih dari orang-orang yang telah dibantunya, namun tidak mampu membayar ongkos pembangunan jamban.

Para pejabat dari Kementerian Kesehatan, Kementerian Desa, Pembangunan Daerah Tertinggal dan Transmigrasi, Kementerian Pendidikan dan Kebudayaan, Kementerian PUPR yang hadir menyambut positif masukan dari narasumber ini.

Direktur Kesehatan Lingkungan, Kementerian Kesehatan Dr Imran Agus Nurali, Sp.KO menekankan perlunya verifikasi data agar setiap pelaksanaan STBM dapat tepat sasaran, Kementerian juga akan mengupayakan adanya standardisasi terkait STBM, UKS dan Manajemen Kebersihan Sanitasi ditingkat masyarakat dan sekolah.

Bito Wikantoso, Direktur PSD di Kementerian Desa, Daerah Tertinggal dan Transmigrasi menegaskan juga bahwa kaum perempuan, anak, penyandang disabilitas dan kaum marginal diprioritaskan dalam pengunaan dana desa. Karenanya, mereka harus difasilitasi agar suara mereka didengar dan kebutuhan mereka dimasukkan dalam perencanaan desa.

“Kesehatan lingkungan termasuk kebutuhan kelompok marginal belum disasar dan belum menjadi prioritas para kepala desa. Mereka lebih suka membangun tugu selamat datang,” ujar Pak Dito.

Hal senada juga diungkapkan Dewi, Direktorat PPLP PUPR dimana perempuan dilibatkan sebagai pengawas pembangunann infrastruktur dan program-program sanitasi masyarakat (Sanimas) diarahkan pada kelompok masyarakat berpenghasilan rendah.

Prinsip pelaksanaan pembangunan STBM “No One Left Behind” diharapkan menjiwai setiap upaya pencapaian target pembangunan yang mengacu pada pencapaian Tujuan Pembangunan Berkelanjutan yang memberikan akses universal kepada semua orang tanpa kecuali.

Credit : Jejaring AMPL


Unicorns and Millennials’ Aspirations

Ditulis oleh :
Aninda Dewayanti (Penerima Bakrie Graduate Fellowship Rajaratnam School for International Studies Nanyang Technological University 2017)

The term unicorn became a trending topic after the latest presidential candidate debate. Both candidates voiced support for unicorns through tax cuts, infrastructure and business friendly regulations. Presidential candidate Prabowo Subianto, however, mentioned the potential for wider economic disparities and capital outflows because of the unicorns’ expansion. Yet today’s most important task is to link Industry 4.0 with job creation among educated youths in Indonesia.

Millennials, who are people aged between 20 and 35 years old, account for 24 percent of Indonesia’s population, or 63.4 million people. The economic aspirations of millennials matter. As ISEAS researcher Budi Irawanto points out, their unique behavior as strategic voters makes them highly likely to determine the outcome of elections.

Educated millennials might perceive the economy differently. The Economist coined the term “millennial socialism” to identify those who demand more equality yet do not entirely oppose the market economy. Meanwhile, those in Europe who reject Brexit do not neglect the importance of being economically integrated for more access to jobs and education.

Both candidates should be aware of their uniqueness in perceiving economic policies and how it would affect wealth creation in this demographic segment. Citing Statistics Indonesia (BPS) data, former finance minister Chatib Basri expressed concern over educated youth unemployment. It has been said that those with higher education, particularly from senior high school and upwards, are lacking in job opportunities. Could unicorns be a solution?

In the Indonesian context, we have seen new opportunities when new entrepreneurship trends emerge. There are those who would rather take the initiative, create their own space to channel their creativity and market it online. A survey by IDN Research Institute found that seven out of 10 millennials in 12 cities in Indonesia were aiming to be entrepreneurs.

Economic incentives are necessary to support them, especially those with the capacity to recruit young talent. Go-Jek, for instance, has facilitated the development of social capital through human resource allocation and business partnerships. Bukalapak, an online commerce platform, has promoted #BukaJalanPulang (“pave the way home”) to attract highly skilled Indonesian talent from overseas. This snowball method of providing jobs builds the skills of youngsters in facing the country’s demographic bonus.

Although hopes for the unicorns are high, millennials in rural areas are more likely to have less access to training as well as the resources required to face the new wave of industrialization. BPS data reveals that both the urban and rural population in the country has fulfilled basic education.

But because access to the internet and other resources in rural areas is lacking, the need to direct these youth to alternative industries and various job opportunities becomes crucial. They need to be exposed to the digital economy.

Moreover, demand for the skills required for Industry 4.0 could grow quickly. Both digital literacy and entrepreneurial spirit are vital for every millennial to overcome the challenges of industrialization. If the candidates cannot accommodate millennials’ interests for a fairer share of economic gains, it could eventually pose a danger, as they will vote emotionally to frustration and insecurity.

Furthermore, as economic nationalism remains a key issue in the presidential debates, the sentiment might not be appealing for urban youngsters anymore. When millennials start running a business, they want to attract more investment, domestic or foreign. Internet and social media platforms have allowed their startups to operate across borders. Right-positioning of local business in the global economic environment can be an option to boost the mood.

Credit : Jakarta Post


Pendekatan Human Centered Design untuk Manajemen Kebersihan Menstruasi

Ditulis oleh :
Fauzia Firdanisa (Penerima Bakrie Graduate Fellowship Rajaratnam School for International Studies Nanyang Technological University 2017)

Human Centered Design atau HCD adalah salah satu jenis pendekatan yang saat ini sering digunakan untuk mendesain sebuah program. Pada awalnya, HCD lebih banyak digunakan oleh perusahaan for-profit untuk mendesain produk untuk dijual. Akan tetapi, saat ini pendekatan HCD juga telah banyak diaplikasikan oleh NGO maupun organisasi non-profit lainnya untuk mendesain sebuah program yang dapat memberikan dampak positif lebih besar dan sustainable bagi masyarakat, termasuk dalam sektor air minum dan penyehatan lingkungan. Negara-negara seperti Ethiopia, Filipina, India, dan Nepal sudah menerapkan pendekatan HCD untuk memecahkan masalah sanitasi.

Pendekatan HCD adalah sebuah cara berpikir dan penyelesaian masalah yang menempatkan orang-orang yang dilayani (target) dan stakeholder lainnya sebagai pusat dari proses desain dan implementasi program (USAID Global Health Bureau, Engage HCD). Dalam HCD, desainer melibatkan masyarakat (target program) untuk turut terlibat dalam proses mendesain dan memecahkan masalah karena terdapat kepercayaan bahwa masyarakat juga mempunyai potensi untuk memecahkan masalahnya sendiri. Selain itu, keterlibatan masyarakat dalam proses juga akan menumbuhkan rasa memiliki terhadap program sehingga keberlanjutan program tersebut terjamin.

Dalam HCD terdapat tiga tahapan yaitu Inspiration, Ideation, dan Implementation. Pada fase Inspiration, desainer membuat formulir tantangan desain pada timnya untuk brainstorming sebelum turun ke lapangan. Masing-masing anggota tim akan mengisi form yang berisi pertanyaan-pertanyaan seperti; masalah apa yang ingin diselesaikan, dampak apa yang ingin dicapai, dan seterusnya.

Setelah itu, observasi aktif dilakukan. Desainer juga dapat mempraktikkan “mendengarkan aktif” inspirasi serta ide-ide dari target program. Terakhir adalah fase implementation, dimana solusi yang sudah dirancang bersama akan diplementasikan. Akan tetapi, implementasi program bukan berarti sempurna. Trial and error juga tidak lepas dalam pendekatan HCD. Akan tetapi, dengan HCD revisi dan perbaikan program dapat dilakukan dengan cepat.

Saat ini, pendekatan HCD juga dilakukan untuk Manajemen Kebersihan Menstruasi (MKM) remaja. Pada bulan Oktober 2018 diselenggarakan pelatihan HCD untuk Manajemen Kebersihan Menstruasi di Tangerang. Mentor-mentor MKM di Tangerang belajar bagaimana cara mengaplikasikan pendekatan HCD yang melibatkan aktif remaja dalam segala prosesnya dari fasilitator UNICEF, Handa. Mentor diajak untuk mengerti dan mendalami bagaimana caranya melibatkan remaja untuk lebih sadar akan pentingnya MKM karena remaja memiliki bahasa sendiri dan sifatnya berbeda-beda. Salah satu metode dalam fase ideation yang disarankan adalah pembuatan kolase dari majalah bekas. Remaja ditantang untuk membuat solusi dari masalah dengan membuat kolase atau kliping. Menurut Handa, metode ini cukup efektif membuat remaja yang pendiam pun terlibat dalam proses.

Mentor-mentor mengaku mendapatkan banyak ilmu baru yang berharga dan akan mengaplikasikannya untuk mendesain program mengenai MKM yang lebih bagus untuk remaja-remaja di Tangerang.

Credit : Jejaring AMPL


The Importance of Marine Bio-geochemical Modelling In Devising Indonesian Climate-adaptation Plan


The importance of marine bio-geochemical modelling in devising Indonesian climate-adaptation plan


Prima Anugerahanti & Shovonlal Roy

Department of Geography and Environmental Science

University of Reading

Russell Building, Whiteknights,

Reading, RG6 6DW

Indonesia is an archipelagic country; it consists of the sea and thousands of islands. The nation is surrounded by 81,000 km of coastline and 51,000 km2 of coral reefs [1]. A huge part of Indonesian population rely on the coastal area and marine ecosystem. In 2005, 8% of the working population were working within the marine fisheries sector [2] contributing US$ 5.2 billion to Indonesia’s gross domestic product [3]. Therefore health of the coastal and marine ecosystem is essential to their living [4]. However environmental and climatic changes are constant threat to these ecosystems. Global climate change, caused by the increase of carbon dioxide (CO2) amongst other greenhouse gases, is a major driver of ocean acidification [5] with potentially significant impact on marine resources. CO2 concentration has now exceeded the maximum values, 380ppm, for the past 740,000 years (Raven et al., 2005). There has been an increase (from 0.70C/100 years in 1905, to 1.50C/100 years since 1945) in sea surface temperature and sea surface height (from 1.6 mm/year in 1960, to 7 mm/year in 1993) in Indonesian waters [6]. Western-Indo Pacific region is susceptible to harmful algae that could cause paralytic shellfish poisoning [7, 8]. It has been reported that harmful bloom events in Indonesia are increasing in number [9] which may pose a serous public health and economic problem, especially for a country whose population depend on seafood for protein. Furthermore, fish catches in Indonesia have been predicted to suffer a decline by over 20% until 2055, and may experience the strongest decline in fish catches [10]. Coastal communities are therefore very vulnerable to the impacts of marine degradation, both due to climate change and human activities.

Although various means of addressing sensitivity and adaptive capacity of coastal communities to marine resource degradation are incorporated in the national policy framework, vulnerability in the coastal area remains high, low resilience, making the policy ineffective [11, 12]. For example according to Ferrol-Schulte et al. [12] Indonesia’s marine policy is lacking in consideration of the causes of vulnerability. It is also a common trend in ecosystem resource management to make fishing pressure is often the focus of conservation strategy, leaving out environmental effects [13]. Nevertheless, ecosystem stability results from climate influence [14] and interaction between different species [15]. As a part of preserving and protecting the marine environment, The Ministry of Marine Affairs and Fisheries has constructed a specific marine environment policy, to prevent, overcome, and recover the source of marine pollution and effect, potential marine disasters, and impacts from climate change. The purpose is to ensure that resources from the sea are readily available to use, enhance the quality of life, and establish a safer environment for all Indonesians, notably the coastal communities. Further, the possible impacts of global climate change is included, creating a national action plan for climate change adaptation, called RAN-API [16]. The objectives of RAN-API are to serve as a basis for mainstream climate change adaptation issues in the national development planning process, to act as a guide for short term, medium term, and long term action for sectoral and cross-sectoral plans for climate change adaptation, devising urgent short term priority actions so that it could get special attention, and to develop synchronised adaptation actions and efforts to build more effective communication and coordination systems for local government and sector [6]. This action plan is specifically developed for improving the systems resilience to the impacts of climate change, by various ministries, institutions, and using models by Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) in order to predict the change in rainfall, surface temperature, sea surface temperature, and sea surface height. Some of its plans includes food diversification, enhancing aquaculture, and rehabilitation of degraded ecosystem.

Undoubtedley, RAN-API has proposed a progressive national action plan for increasing adaptive capacity on coastal communities. However, the interventions that are planned in the document would be more effective in tackling livelihood vulnerabilities if the proposed action are aligned with the state-of-the-art scientific knowledge. For instance, one of the action plans from RAN-API is to expand aquaculture sector [6] in order to reduce the risk of biodiversity loss due to climate change and fishing pressure. This effort is usually carried out near the coastal area. Unfortunately, Indonesian waters are not free from HAB organisms. For example Dinophysis, which cause nausea and diarrhoea to humans who consumed seafood infested with the phytoplankton, are found off the coast of Jakarta [17, 18, 9] and Pyrodinium, causative species of paralytic shellfish poisoning (PSP) in Ambon bay [19]. These locations are popular with aquaculture and tourism. Wild fish may swim away from the location of the bloom, however, trapped fish in aquaculture will suffer catastrophic mortality. The increase of HAB phenomenon might be caused by low level sewage treatment [20], and the increase in precipitation therefore increased levels of land runoff [21] resulting in eutrophication manifested by HAB. Therefore in devising a national action plan, understanding the mechanisms and pathways of how ecosystem response is essential [13]. It is generally acknowledged that there are significant gaps in understanding the marine ecosystem structures and functions and their response to human pressure [22, 23]. In order to evaluate its structure and function, and predict the impacts from human activities [24, 25, 26, 27, 28] and climate change [29, 30] on marine ecosystems, ecological models have been used and recognised as an effective method. Similar models have been used to provide information about indicators of good environmental status, such as biodiversity and food webs, in European Union’s Marine Strategy Framework Directive [31]. At the University of Reading, we are working on better understanding of marine biogeochemical processes by developing ecosystem models. The base of almost all marine food webs are the phytoplankton in the surface ocean and are also the bases of marine biogeochemical model. By combining information about physical forcing, chemical cycling, phytoplankton physiology, and ecological structure it is possible to simulate the response of phytoplankton to climate variability and change [32, 33, 34]. The timing of blooms [35] and differences in phytoplankton community structures [36] has long been recognised as a possible explanation for variations in the ecosystem over time and space [37]. From this realisation, phytoplankton are partitioned into distinct groups with common biogeochemical function. Same taxonomic size may have phytoplankton with different functional types, and the same phytoplankton taxonomic class may have divergent biogeochemical functions. Therefore, we separate phytoplankton into different functional groups in order to observe their variety of responses to environmental changes. Phytoplankton have different needs for different nutrients, some of them, such as the harmful dinoflagellates Pyrodinium prefer high salinities (30 – 35 PSU) and high temperatures (250-280C) [21]. Using these information along with physical forcings, it is possible to predict the timing of their blooms.

Furthermore, phytoplankton also have a socio-economic impact from commercial fisheries. In some countries, it has been shown that commercial fish stocks have been affected by the long-term changes in plankton communities. In the North Sea, in-spite of strong fishing pressure, during 1970s cods increased in abundance [38]. After analysis on plankton data, it revealed that the event coincide with a change in the dominant species of zooplankton in the North Sea, where larger zooplankton replaced smaller species during the time of development of cod larvae, making food readily available for larvae [38]. In contrast, the decline in phytoplankton productivity, due to the restriction of nutrient upwelling during El-Nin˜o event, provided less food for fish [39] resulting in the decline of commercial fisheries, such as anchovies [40]. This also means that the change in plankton communities could lead into a whole shift in the marine community [41]. Thus, developing a marine biogeochemical model with different plankton size and function is essential.

Although utilising models has been carried out by RAN-API to develop its plan, it is also beneficial to utilise biogeochemical models to predict the effect of human activities and climate change to the marine ecosystem. We aim to develop biogeochemical models including phytoplankton types, from which the ecosystem dynamics will be investigated using computer simulations and also in conjunction with the satellite remote-sensing based observations on global ocean. This approach will be effective in better understanding the formation of algal blooms (harmful and non-harmful), and eventually their impact on marine resources such as fisheries. The outcome of this study will potentially contribute to the management and climate adaptation strategies already initiated by the Indonesian Government.


Work for The New Energy Minister: Restoring Public Trust


After a few delays, finally President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo announced his Cabinet. And once again, he successfully surprised many.

One of the surprises was the appointment of the energy and mineral resources minister. Sudirman Said, the new minister, was not among the names initially circulated as candidates for the post, and furthermore, he is less-known to the industry than other candidates. Regardless of how well-known he is, many tasks needs to be solved immediately.

Sudirman Said, an anti-corruption activist, graduated from the prestigious State College of Accountancy (STAN) in 1984 and continued his education in one of the best MBA schools in the US, George Washington University, in 1994. His experience in the energy sector started in 2008, when state-owned PT Pertamina recruited him.

But his service in Pertamina was very brief, lasting less than one year. Before he accepted his appointment as minister, he was a vice president at a private oil company and president director of state-owned PT PINDAD weapon manufacturer.

Sudirman needs to take immediate action to clean and distance the ministry from the oil mafia in order to restore the public’s trust in the ministry. Perhaps what he can do is to follow Jokowi’s initiative, i.e. to involve the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) and the Financial Transaction Reports and Analysis Centre (PPATK) to screen, select and appoint key personnel in the ministry.

This organizational clean up needs to be done immediately, not only to prove that the speculation is wrong but also to restore the ministry’s credibility, which was badly tattered after a series of corruption cases involving a former minister and the former head of the Upstream Oil and Gas Regulatory Special Task Force (SKKMigas).

Failure to restore the ministry’s credibility and prove that the speculation is wrong will make it more difficult for Said to get support from key stakeholders when he has to make a tough call, let say increasing the fuel price.

Jokowi has said repeatedly the fuel subsidy must be reduced. It seems that this will be the first major policy in the energy sector.

Like it or not, the public will perceive any fuel price increase is a ministry policy. Therefore, gaining credibility and the trust of the public should be his first and most important task.

There will be another uphill battle for him after the fuel price increase. The global economy is slowing down and commodity prices are slumping, external factors he has to cope with. This global phenomenon is likely to continue throughout his term.

In 2013, energy and mineral resources contributed Rp 398.4 trillion (US$33 billion), or approximately 26 percent, to the state revenue. With this new global economic landscape, revenue derived from energy and mineral resources is likely to decrease significantly.

What Said needs to do is slow the decrease. This can be done by ensuring the production levels of key commodities, such as oil and gas.

This brings up the next issue in the oil and gas sector. During his term, 20 oil production sharing contracts (PSCs) will expire.

These PSCs represent about 635,000 barrels of oil equivalent/day or roughly 76 percent of domestic oil production.

Production continuity in these areas is very important. The government needs to give clear direction and make decisions as early as possible on the fate of these areas.

It is also worth noting that taking over these areas arbitrarily, nationalizing them and giving the privilege of managing these concessions to state or domestic oil companies immediately on contract expiry may be a risky decision.

Giving preferential treatment to national companies is good political rhetoric.

But what we need at this moment is more than mere political rhetoric. We need a policy and action that will ensure prosperity for Indonesians.

Giving privileges to national companies, in most cases, poses a moral hazard. While in some cases local preference is needed, this must be done transparently.

No company should be given the right to manage these concessions without a transparent competitive bid.

To maximize benefit for the country, other forms of contract may be introduced for these areas. The PSC format may no longer suitable because these blocks carry no (or minimum) exploration risk.

As we know, exploration risk is the key feature in a PSC. A service agreement may now be more suitable for these blocks.

In a service agreement, the government can maintain complete control and ownership of the block, as mandated by Article 33 of the Constitution.

Contractors are engaged only to produce the oil and gas on a cost plus fee basis. This form of contract is not uncommon in the oil business. Many Latin American and Middle Eastern countries are using pure service or risk service agreements.

Whatever contractual relationship or fiscal regime the government decides to use for these expired contracts, it should be governed under the prevailing oil and gas law.

Unfortunately, the existing oil and gas law (Law No. 22/2001) has articles ruled unconstitutional by the Constitutional Court (MK).

Therefore, it is also important that the new government works closely with the House of Representatives to expedite the issuance of a new oil and gas law.

While the new law is still under discussion in the House, the government should issue a government regulation in lieu of law (Perppu) to address critical governance matters.

One of these critical governance matters is the existence of the SKKMigas. The new government has reportedly considered disbanding SKKMigas. Whatever the reason for the disbandment, the government must not repeat the chaos caused when BP Migas was dismantled by the court in 2012.

The disbandment of a regulatory body of this significance should be done with due consideration and planning.

A new body assigned to complete jobs left by SKKMigas should be supported by an adequate legal basis. A Perppu instead of a presidential decree (Perpres) could be used to support the establishment of a new regulatory body.

A strong legal basis is necessary to provide the legal certainty required by oil and gas companies to invest and operate in Indonesia.

Many other issues require immediate action by the new minister, ranging from electricity shortages to the amendment of mining contracts.

Having limited exposure to the industry, he has a lot to prove and a lot to do.



No company should be given the right to manage concessions without a transparent competitive bid.



The writer, a Harvard University alumnus, is founder and director of the PPRL Group, an Indonesian oil company. The views expressed are his own.


Insight: Mental Revolution vs Oil Mafia


In the past few weeks there has been a lot of discussion about the oil mafia. Maybe this was triggered by concerns about the fuel supply, but when the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) named former energy and mineral resources minister Jero Wacik as a corruption suspect, the public realized there was a mafia in the oil industry. To fight this oil mafia, the government must lead a concerted effort. The industry needs a mental revolution.

Corruption in our oil and gas industry dates back to the oil boom in the early 1970s, when OPEC’s oil embargo caused oil prices to surge to new levels. The oil and gas industry was administered by the government through Pertamina, which certainly enjoyed windfall profits.



Poor management, many government interventions and a large windfall profit turned out to be a deadly mix for Pertamina. Using this windfall profit and in the name of national economic development, Pertamina made many unwise investments and expended capital. The party quickly ended in 1975 when the state oil company almost went bankrupt with over a US$10.5 billion debt burden, and the government had to bail out Pertamina.


The Oil and Gas Law of 2001 terminated Pertamina’s monopoly, turning it into a corporate entity but still wholly state owned. All regulating authorities were transferred to the now dissolved Upstream Oil and Gas Executive Agency (BP Migas) for the upstream industry and the Downstream Oil and Gas Regulatory Agency (BPH Migas) for downstream operations. The oil mafia, groomed during Pertamina’s monopoly, started to feel the pinch.


While BP Migas was still in place, we rarely heard of a major corruption case (as a result of oil mafia involvement) in the upstream oil industry. Part of this success was attributed to R. Priyono’s initiative to have formal cooperation between the KPK and BP Migas, under which a KPK official was assigned as part of BP Migas’ management. By doing so, corruption could be minimized at the source.


The oil mafia gained the upper hand again when the Constitutional Court decided to dismantle BP Migas. The government quickly formed a new regulatory body called the Upstream Oil And Gas Regulatory Special Task Force (SKK Migas) as a transition institution to replace BP Migas. However, eight months later SKK Migas head Rudi Rubiandini was caught by the KPK accepting bribes. Less than two years later the energy and mineral resources minister was also indicted in a different corruption case. The oil mafia won the game and two senior government officers were trapped in the middle of it.


In the downstream industry, the oil mafia is much stronger. For example, in crude oil importation, the oil mafia dominates the supply of crude oil to Pertamina. Even though crude oil is refined partly to fulfill the domestic supply of subsidized fuel, the decision to import crude oil, the type and quantity, remains in the hands of Pertamina’s management. No one but Pertamina has the technical ability to judge the soundness of crude oil imports.


Because two major Pertamina refineries (Balikpapan and Cilacap) use cocktail crude feedstock, the crude being refined can vary. A cocktail feed stock without a firm (long term) baseline crude certainly gives wider room to design an ad-hoc crude mix. A refinery can decide to use a different baseline crude that is more suitable to certain types of crude each time the refineries make their monthly refining plan.


By using a different combination of crude, the refinery can give an economic calculation that favors certain types of crude. Once a refinery has worked out its feedstock scenario, the Petral company is then instructed by Pertamina management to procure crude oil. Thus, most of the time, the crude bought by Petral is that held by the oil mafia. It is all by design, not by coincidence.


The presence of an oil mafia and corruption are also felt in the import and distribution of subsidized fuel and liquefied petroleum gas (LPG). The government gives a monopoly privilege to Pertamina to procure and distribute subsidized fuel and LPG. As domestic production cannot meet domestic demand, much of this fuel and LPG has to be imported.


As a matter of trading convenience, Pertamina assigns this procurement task to Petral. Petral conducted its procurement through a tender, but various sources say most supply orders were given to a group of related companies, namely oil mafia members.


The distribution of subsidized fuel and LPG are also problematic. The huge price disparity in the domestic market between subsidized and non-subsidized fuel and LPG creates room for theft and illegal trading.


The oil mafia has always used Pertamina as its operations’ centerpiece. Thus, one key to fight the oil mafia is to reform, restructure, reengineer and reposition Pertamina. The new Pertamina CEO should have strong technical proficiency and impeccable integrity.


We can also learn from the experience of BP Migas under the leadership of R.Priyono. Deterrence and prevention are always better than fighting the oil mafia and corruption. The presence of KPK personnel in BP Migas proved to be successful in discouraging the oil mafia.





The writer, a Harvard University alumnus, is founder and director of the PPRL Group, an Indonesian oil company. The views expressed are his own.


GMO (Genetically Modified Organism)

Perumusan Masalah

Terkait dengan program studi yang saya tekuni sekarang mengenai bioteknologi, maka pada tulisan ini saya akan membahas mengenai permasalahan yang terkait dengan bioteknologi. Sebelumnya saya akan menjelaskan terlebih dahulu mengenai bioteknologi. Bioteknologi adalah cabang ilmu yang mempelajari pemanfaatan makhluk hidup (bakteri, fungi, virus, dan lain-lain) maupun produk dari makhluk hidup dalam proses produksi untuk menghasilkan barang dan jasa. Bioteknologi merupakan alat yang digunakan untuk menghasilkan suatu produk yang berkualitas. Seiring dengan perkembangan ilmu pengetahuan, para ahli telah mulai mengembangkan bioteknologi dengan memanfaatkan prinsip-prinsip ilmiah melalui penelitian. Dalam bioteknologi modern peneliti berupaya dapat menghasilkan produk secara efektif dan efisien. Bioteknologi modern merupakan bioteknologi yang didasarkan pada manipulasi atau rekayasa DNA, selain memanfaatkan dasar mikrobiologi dan biokimia. Salah satu agen mikroorganisme yang dijadikan sebagai inang untuk mendapatkan suatu produk yaitu mikroba.

Indonesia merupakan salah satu kawasan geografis yang memiliki kekayaan hayati yang sangat beranekaragam, yang bila dikelola dengan baik akan memberikan keunggulan kompetitif sebagai pemasok bahan pangan, keperluan industri, dan penyangga lingkungan hidup di planet Bumi ini. Sejumlah tanaman, hewan, dan mikrob, bahkan merupakan organisme asli (indigenous) Indonesia yang seharusnya pantas mendapat perhatian karena lokasi biogeografisnya yang memberikan keunikan dan keuntungan kompetitif. Ironisnya, banyak produk pertanian, peternakan, perikanan, atau agroindustri lain tidak kompetitif, yang berakibat pada turunnya kualitas hidup petani Indonesia pada umumnya. Meskipun ada banyak faktor yang terlibat dalam keterpurukan pertanian ini, salah satu faktor penting yang perlu diperhatikan adalah strategi untuk meningkatkan produktivitas atau nilai tambah produk pertanian itu sendiri. Pilihan teknologi yang tepat, termasuk Bioteknologi Modern, akan sangat membantu usaha untuk meningkatkan produktivitas pertanian atau pemanfaatan sumber daya hayati sehingga diperoleh sifat-sifat unggul yang lebih kompetitif dari berbagai persepsi. Pengetahuan dan penelitian yang baik tentang Bioteknologi Modern akan memberikan kontribusi penting dalam inovasi atau peningkatan nilai tambah produk-produk pertanian dan industri berbasis biologi lainnya (Suwanto, 2006).

GMO (Genetic Modified Organism) atau biasa disebut dengan produk rekayasa genetika adalah organisme yang  telah mengalami perubahan pada DNA-nya dengan menggunakan suatu teknologi yang disebut dengan bioteknologi modern sehingga menghasilkan suatu organisme atau produk yang berbeda dengan produk alamiahnya sehingga memiliki beberapa kelebihan jika dibandingkan dengan produk alamiahnya. Pada saat ini penggunaan GMO’s atau Genetically Modified Organism telah meluas dikarenakan adanya beberapa kelebihan yang didapatkan pada produk ini. Beberapa produk pertanian yang merupakan GMO’s bisa tahan terhadap hama, tahan terhadap berbagai penyakit, penggunaan pestisida yang lebih sedikit, mempunyai penampilan yang menarik, mempunyai nutrisi yang lebih banyak jika dibandingkan dengan produk yang asli, dan lain sebagainya. Beberapa kelebihan dari GMO’s tersebut diklaim dapat mengatasi masalah populasi dan pangan yang dihadapi oleh dunia. Namun dibalik kelebihan tersebut terdapat kekurangan pada produk GMO’s yaitu salah satunya dapat menganggu keseimbangan lingkungan. Sehingga masih ada pro dan kontra dalam permasalahan mengenai GMO di Indonesia.


Transaksi gen itu sendiri mungkin sudah berlangsung sejak adanya sel (unit kehidupan) awal dan merupakan bagian dari evolusi biosfer planet bumi ini. Sebagai contoh, bumi kita yang kaya oksigen dan berlapis ozon ini adalah akibat revolusi biologi besar yang terjadi saat sianobakter (ganggang hijau biru) menemukan cara untuk menguraikan molekul air menjadi hidrogen dan oksigen sekitar 3 biliun tahun yang lalu. Mekanisme yang menjadi dasar utama pemanenan energi cahaya, yang dikenal sebagai Fotosintesis Oksigenik ini, merupakan hallmark kemampuan genetik sianobakter untuk melakukan mekanisme monumental yang secara drastis mengubah kondisi bumi yang tadinya tidak beroksigen (anaerobik) menjadi aerobik. Nenek moyang sel yang menjadi calon sel tanaman memanfaatkan kemampuan luar biasa dari proses fotosintesis melalui akuisisi bahan genetik sianobakter (Battacharya and Medlin, 1998). Akibatnya terbentuklah “organisme transgenik” yang kita kenal sebagai tanaman, yang merupakan salah satu produsen utama oksigen di bumi. Tanaman modern, dengan kloroplas dan mitokondrianya, merupakan contoh mahkluk transgenik hasil transaksi gen inter-Domain (Woese et al., 1990) yang mungkin telah berlangsung sejak adanya sel eukariot awal di planet bumi ini.

Transaksi gen merupakan kegiatan rutin yang berlangsung sinambung sepanjang sejarah evolusi kehidupan dan dapat memberikan dampak perubahan besar bahkan pada kondisi atmosfer bumi. Dengan demikian organisme hasil modifikasi genetik ((Genetically Modified Organisms = GMOs)) bukanlah hal yang baru. Lalu, apanya yang baru dan menjadi perhatian orang adalah cara melakukan modifikasi bahan genetiknya. Saat ini pengertian GMO atau organisme transgenik telah direduksi menjadi: Organisme hasil modifikasi bahan genetik melalui Teknologi DNA. Yang melalui persilangan, mutasi kimia, atau fisika tidak dikategorikan sebagai GMO (Suwanto, 2006).

Permasalahan mengenai produk GMO bisa mengganggu keseimbangan lingkungan bisa diatasi dengan cara mencampur antara produk yang non GMO dengan produk GMO pada saat ditanam dalam satu lahan. Sehingga hal tersebut dapat mencegah resistensi yang bisa ditimbulkan pada beberapa makhluk hidup dan keseimbangan lingkungan masih tetap terjaga.


Sebagian besar aspek bioteknologi untuk produk yang bernilai strategis bahkan tidak mudah ditransfer, baik itu karena alasan teknis, ketersediaan sumberdaya manusia, atau karena alasan ekonomis atau politis. Sayangnya, penelitian dasar yang strategis dan berkelanjutan (sustainable) di Indonesia masih sangat sedikit. Selain itu, keberhasilan komersialisasi produk bioteknologi modern juga sangat tergantung pada persepsi masyarakat, dan dukungan pemerintah (Suwanto, 2006). Oleh karena itu, pemerintah dan swasta perlu bersinergi dalam memberikan dukungan terhadap penelitian dasar yang strategis, serta implementasi kepastian hukum untuk produk Bioteknologi Modern. Melek sains (scientific literacy), khususnya tentang Bioteknologi Modern, perlu dipaparkan sejak dini secara obyektif sehingga masyarakat dapat menentukan pilihannya dari paparan informasi yang memadai. Selain itu, perlu adanya kegiatan seperti penyuluhan yang dilakukan oleh beberapa instansi khususnya dari pemerintah mengenai produk GMO kepada masyarakat.
Untuk kepastian hukum dan dukungan pemerintah terhadap produk Bioteknologi Modern, khususnya produk transgenik, perlu dibuat peraturan berdasarkan data ilmiah yang memadai, atau pertimbangan rasional yang secara ilmiah dapat dipertanggungjawabkan, sehingga peraturan tersebut tidak hanya melindungi konsumen dari bahaya nyata, tetapi juga memungkinkan konsumen untuk memanfaatkan produk transgenik dan teknologi yang mendasarinya secara maksimal.


Mahasiswa Pasca Sarjana Institut Pertanian Bogor


Pemberdayaan Pengamen Usia Produktif

Indonesia dikenal sebagai negara yang kaya akan sumberdaya alam, akan tetapi pada kenyataannya masih banyak masyarakat yang hidup di bawah garis kemiskinan. Para pemuda yang seharusnya mendapatkan pekerjaan yang layak, banyak mereka harus berkeliaran di jalanan untuk berjuang mencari uang untuk menyambung hidup dan keluarga mereka. Banyak kota-kota besar yang memiliki permasalahan sosial yang begitu kompleks. Salah satu kota besar yaitu Bogor yang merupakan kota urban dimana memiliki permasalahan sosial seperti maraknya pengamen jalanan yang sebenarnya harus menjadi perhatian bagi pemerintah.


Salah satu kota besar yang menjadi permasalahan dalam kependudukan adalah Bogor yang merupakan pusat pendidikan, kuliner dan wisata sehingga memiliki permasalahan sosial yang kompleks. Salah satu permasalahan sosial yang dihadapi adalah maraknya pengamen jalanan di Bogor.  Menurut Badan Pusat Statistik (BPS) melaporkan bahwa jumlah penduduk Bogor tahun 2010 berkisar 950.334 jiwa. Berdasarkan data kependudukan menunjukkan bahwa Bogor memiliki penduduk yang cukup pesat sehingga akan mempengaruh tingkat angkatan kerja. Maka, dengan jumlah penduduk yang begitu pesat tentunya lapangan pekerjaan akan semakin sempit. Selain itu, persaingan kerja semakin ketat dengan kualifikasi pendidikan yang memadai. Hal ini menjadi gap bagi pengamen usia produktif yang sebenarnya harus mendapatkan pekerjaan yang layak.

Salah satu penyebab terjadinya permasalahan tersebut adalah rendahnya tingkat pendidikan. Pendidikan merupakan kebutuhan krusial yang harus dimiliki oleh seseorang untuk memperoleh kualitas hidup. Sebagian besar pengamen memiliki tingkat pendidikan yang rendah karena putus sekolah. Faktor  yang menyebabkan pengamen tidak memperoleh pendidikan yang memadai adalah masalah ekonomi. Mereka cenderung berasal dari keluarga yang tidak mampu sehingga memiliki kendala biaya sekolah. Hal ini membuat mereka tidak bersemangat lagi untuk menempuh pendidikan lagi karena tantangan hidup begitu besar.

Selain pendidikan, keterampilan merupakan salah satu faktor penting dalam menentukan masa depan seseorang untuk memperoleh pekerjaan yang layak ataupun berwirausaha. Sebagian pengamen tidak mempunyai keterampilan karena memiliki keterbatasan ekonomi. Selain itu, pemerintah tidak memberikan dukungan keterampilan kepada pengamen jalanan sehingga mereka tidak mampu bersaing di dalam dunia kerja ataupun usaha.

Lingkungan merupakan faktor penentu seseorang di dalam menentukan masa depan. Lingkungan sangat mempengaruhi perilaku dan pola pikir baik yang berasal dari lingkungan keluarga maupun lingkungan sosial dimana mereka berinteraksi. Lingkungan keluarga berpengaruh besar terhadap psikologis seseorang. Keluarga yang bermoral dan berkualitas tentu akan menciptakan karakter  dan mindset seseorang menjadi lebih baik. Pembinaan orang tua terhadap anak-anak sangat berpengaruh dalam mendapat pendidikan yang memadai sehingga mereka memperoleh pekerjaan yang layak. Selain itu, lingkungan sosial juga berkaitan dengan interaksi sosial yang mempengaruhi pola pikir seseorang untuk menjadi seorang pengamen jalanan. Misalnya, anak tersebut lebih banyak bergaul dengan pengamen lainnya tentunya akan berpengaruh terhadap psikologis seorang anak yang cenderung akan ikut serta menjadi seorang pengamen.

Beberapa program yang dapat dilakukan sebagai usaha pemberdayaan pengamen usia produktif antara lain adalah :    
1.    Training keterampilan untuk pengamen usia produktif secara gratis
2.    Training kewirausahaan
3.    Membuka lapangan kerja berbasis kewirausahaan dengan merekrut pengamen sebagai karyawan sambil dibekali keterampilan.


Peserta LDGS 2014 Institut Pertanian Bogor

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